May 31, 2014

The Swiss government granted asylum to Co-pilot Hailemedhin Abera

Filed under: Switzerland — ethiopiantimes @ 11:29 pm
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May 30, 2014 (GENEVA) –– The Switzerland government has granted asylum to the Ethiopian co-pilot who seized control of the Boeing 767-300 on 17 February 2014 and flew it to Geneva, according Ethiopian attorney who closely following the case.

The Ethiopian government has pushed the Swiss government to extradite the Co-pilot Hailemedhin Aberaby labeling him as a “traitor”. The regime has also opened file to try him in absentia, sources said.

The Swiss Federal Office of Justice has confirmed that it has refused the extradition request by the Ethiopian government.

Hailemedhin Abera can freely move now and defend his case out of confinement.

The pro-democracy Ethiopian Diaspora and, attorneys, like Shakespeare Feyissa, are trying to defend the rights of the co-pilot.

The airliner’s second-in-command, Hailemedhin Abera Tegegn, 31, took control of the plane when the pilot left the cockpit to use the toilet. He then sent a coded signal announcing he had hijacked his own aircraft. The plane landed safely, and none of the 202 passengers and crew members on Flight ET-702, which originated in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, were injured.

The Co-pilot has exposed the gross human rights violations in Ethiopia at a global scale.

Diaspora Ethiopians took the streets of American and European cities in Support of the Co-pilot Hailemedhin Abera.


May 29, 2014

Arabsat to take legal action against Ethiopia

Filed under: Uncategorized — ethiopiantimes @ 4:25 pm
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Arabsat jammingArab Satellite Communication Organisation (Arabsat) has announced that many TV channels on-board its fleet of satellites have been the subject of intentional jamming for the past week up to today.

Arabsat engineers conducted detailed analysis to identify the source of the jamming, it was confirmed that this interference was originating from Ethiopian territories. It is not clear which broadcasts are targeted this time.

In Febrnuary 2012, Arabsat also said it suffered from jamming from Ethiopia. At the time, broadcasts from several Lebanese channels and Al-Jazeera have been jammed in the past year on the frequencies of Arabsat and Nilesat. However, Ethiopia tried to target the Erithrean Television, as well as broadcasts from Deutsche Welle, Al-Jazeera Arabic and VOA, and it seemed that most other jamming was unintentional.

In a statement, the satellite operator said “Arabsat expresses its resentment for such an illegal act and is surprise for this vandalism as there are no Ethiopian or Eritrean channels broadcast within Arabsat DTH bouquets. This jamming may be aimed at some opponents channels for one of the two countries channels that are broadcasted on board satellites near Arabsat 26 degrees East neighbourhood or on board other satellites which Arabsat has no relation with.

“Arabsat assures to its customers that it is tackling this issue both at national and international level. International Telecommunication Union and Arab League has been informed of this issue and several efforts are underway to mediate the situation.

“Arabsat will follow up the matter and take all appropriate actions to prosecute the culprit at the judicial authorities and the international organisation of frequencies and any legal means that may deem appropriate to ensure that any damage already incurred or to be incurred by the noise, will not go without legal action, regardless of whether this damage is direct or indirect.

“Arabsat is deeply thankful to its respected valued customers for their understanding and supporting for ARABSAT as this intentional jamming is beyond its control.

May 28, 2014

Ethiopia holds editor-in-chief without charge

Filed under: Uncategorized — ethiopiantimes @ 10:44 pm
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Elias Gebru is being held without charge. (Enku)

Elias Gebru is being held without charge. (Enku)

New York, May 28, 2014–The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns the detention of a journalist without charge since Monday and calls on Ethiopian authorities to release him immediately. An Ethiopian court on Tuesday extended by 14 days the pre-trial detention of Elias Gebru, according to news reports.


Ethiopia’s federal police in the capital, Addis Ababa, summoned Elias, editor-in-chief of the independent news magazine Enku, for questioning in connection with a column published in his paper, according to news reports. The Awramba Times reported that the column discussed a monument recently erected outside the capital in honor of ethnic Oromos massacred in the 19th century by Emperor Menelik’s forces. The monument has ignited divisions between some Oromos and supporters of the emperor’s legacy.


Local journalists said authorities were attempting to link the paper’s publication to the deadly clashes between Oromo student protesters and security forces last month. Ethiopian authorities claimed eight protesters were killed in the violence, while news outlets and human rights groups cited witnesses as saying that security forces killed more than a dozen protesters.

At least 17 other journalists are in jail in Ethiopia in connection with their journalistic work, according to CPJ research. Only Eritrea holds more journalists behind bars in Africa, CPJ research shows.

“The detention without charge of Elias Gebru is the latest move by the Ethiopian government to tighten the noose on the country’s independent press,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We call on authorities to release Elias immediately and to stop arresting journalists as a means to quell information and debate.”

Elias is being held at the Maekelawi detention center, according to local journalists.

In 2008, thousands of copies of Enku magazine were seized by Ethiopian authorities in connection with the paper’s independent coverage of the trial of a pop singer who had been critical of the government, according to news reports. The copies were later returned.

More on

Ethiopian Migrants Held at ‘Torture Camps’

Filed under: Yemen — ethiopiantimes @ 6:34 am
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Ethiopia: Emeye Menelik Statue is a pride of Black People!

Filed under: Uncategorized — ethiopiantimes @ 6:26 am
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by Tedla Asfaw

I followed a video clip posted on pro government website of Aiga.

Tesfaye Newaye so called lawyer was ranting about Emperor Menelik Statue. Oromo extremists with the help of TPLF and Shabia covered the statue with dark Cloth 23 years ago when Tesfaye was in elementary or high school to destroy it.

The news of the statue being covered brought thousands from Addis and its surroundings. Many Oromos in horseback came to defend it. The people won and the Menelik Statue has remained stand tall for more than seven decades now after briefly was absent during Italian five year of occupation.

Tesfaye Newaye/Gebrab is telling us why the Menelik Statue is irrelevant for him and his likes whether it stands or not. If Tesfaye has a fascist blood it might cause him heart attack. Better stay away from the statue.

The other young fellow from Harar on the video clip even went far and compared Menelik with Graziani. He rants, we should not have Menelik Statue in Addis since we do not have Graziani statue in Addis Ababa. Both are criminals for this uninformed young man.

He kept on ranting that since we have Graziani’s victims memorial in Addis Ababa he suggested to have Menelik’s Oromo victims memorial. The young man need to be educated about Ethiopian history. There is no record of Emperor Menelik atrocities the young man alleged. How could “foreign” Historians failed to record it? It was not there to record it!

Menelik’s statue will stand in Addis Ababa forever and all attempts to remove it failed in the past and it will fail again. The MEDREK led protest last Saturday in Addis Ababa was a great success. It is a great victory for all Ethiopians over the divide and rule cadres of Tesfaye Newaye/Gebrab types who are more Oromos than Oromos.

Scratch deep Tesfaye Newaye hate Ethiopia and all who fought for her, a symbol of Black Pride all over the world. Menelik is the first Black Man who led a Black Army and defeat a White Army of Europe in Adwa, Ethiopia! Long Live the Spirit of Emeye Menelik!

May 26, 2014

Welkite University Fire Consumes a Dormitory Building

Filed under: Uncategorized — ethiopiantimes @ 1:51 pm

Welkite University Fire Consumes a Dormitory Building

The fire that broke out yesterday night at 4:00 P.M at Welkite University destroyed a dormitory building. Though no life threatening injury due to the fire, some students have suffered a minor physical injury.

The cause of the blaze hasn’t yet been identified. The fire got under control by the collaborative efforts of the local community and the Addis Ababa City’s fire and emergency service fire fighters.

Some students who got injured in a stampede while rushing out of the building are getting treatment at the nearby Atate Hospital.

May 24, 2014

Monsanto and the Bio-Tech Conglomerates: Sowing the Seeds of Famine in Ethiopia

Filed under: Monsanto — ethiopiantimes @ 5:29 am
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FAMINEAuthor’s note

Based on research conducted in the 1990s, this article was first published by The Ecologist in September 2000. It was subsequently incorporated into the Second edition of The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order,Global Research, Montreal, 2003.

The research focussed on how GMO seeds were used as of the mid-1990s to destabilize the agricultural cycle in Ethiopia.  This diabolical “free market” agenda was a dress rehearsal for a agri-bio-tech conglomerates’ assault led by Monsanto on peasant economies in all major regions of the World.

Michel Chossudovsky, May 23, 2014


The “economic therapy” imposed under IMF-World Bank jurisdiction is in large part responsible for triggering famine and social devastation in Ethiopia and the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, wreaking the peasant economy and impoverishing millions of people.

With the complicity of branches of the US government, it has also opened the door for the appropriation of traditional seeds and landraces by US biotech corporations, which behind the scenes have been peddling the adoption of their own genetically modified seeds under the disguise of emergency aid and famine relief.

Moreover, under WTO rules, the agri-biotech conglomerates can manipulate market forces to their advantage as well as exact royalties from farmers. The WTO provides legitimacy to the food giants to dismantle State programmes including emergency grain stocks, seed banks, extension services and agricultural credit, etc.), plunder peasant economies and trigger the outbreak of periodic famines.

Crisis in the Horn

More than 8 million people in Ethiopia – representing 15% of the country’s population – had been locked into “famine zones”. Urban wages have collapsed and unemployed seasonal farm workers and landless peasants have been driven into abysmal poverty. The international relief agencies concur without further examination that climatic factors are the sole and inevitable cause of crop failure and the ensuing humanitarian disaster. What the media tabloids fails to disclose is that – despite the drought and the border war with Eritrea – several million people in the most prosperous agricultural regions have also been driven into starvation. Their predicament is not the consequence of grain shortages but of “free markets” and “bitter economic medicine” imposed under the IMF-World Bank sponsored Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP).

Ethiopia produces more than 90% of its consumption needs. Yet at the height of the crisis, the nationwide food deficit for 2000 was estimated by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) at 764,000 metric tons of grain representing a shortfall of 13 kilos per person per annum.1 In Amhara, grain production (1999-2000) was twenty percent in excess of consumption needs. Yet 2.8 million people in Amhara (representing 17% of the region’s population) became locked into famine zones and are “at risk” according to the FAO. 2 Whereas Amhara’s grain surpluses were in excess of 500,000 tons (1999-2000), its “relief food needs” had been tagged by the international community at close to 300,000 tons.3 A similar pattern prevailed in Oromiya, the country’s most populated state where 1.6 million people were classified “at risk”, despite the availability of more than 600,000 metric tons of surplus grain.4 In both these regions, which include more than 25% of the country’s population, scarcity of food was clearly not the cause of hunger, poverty and social destitution. Yet no explanations are given by the panoply of international relief agencies and agricultural research institutes.

The Promise of the “Free Market”

In Ethiopia, a transitional government came into power in 1991 in the wake of a protracted and destructive civil war. After the pro-Soviet Dergue regime of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam was unseated, a multi-donor financed Emergency Recovery and Reconstruction Project (ERRP) was hastily put in place to deal with an external debt of close to 9 billion dollars that had accumulated during the Mengistu government. Ethiopia’s outstanding debts with the Paris Club of official creditors were rescheduled in exchange for far-reaching macro-economic reforms. Upheld by US foreign policy, the usual doses of bitter IMF economic medicine were prescribed. Caught in the straightjacket of debt and structural adjustment, the new Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), led by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) – largely formed from the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (PLF) – had committed itself to far-reaching “free market reforms”, despite its leaders’ Marxist leanings. Washington soon tagged Ethiopia alongside Uganda as Africa’s post Cold War free market showpiece.

While social budgets were slashed under the structural adjustment programme (SAP), military expenditure – in part financed by the gush of fresh development loans – quadrupled since 1989.5 With Washington supporting both sides in the Eritrea-Ethiopia border war, US arms sales spiralled. The bounty was being shared between the arms manufacturers and the agribusiness conglomerates. In the post-Cold War era, the latter positioned themselves in the lucrative procurement of emergency aid to war-torn countries. With mounting military spending financed on borrowed money, almost half of Ethiopia’s export revenues was earmarked to meet debt-servicing obligations.

A Policy Framework Paper (PFP) stipulating the precise changes to be carried out in Ethiopia had been carefully drafted in Washington by IMF and World Bank officials on behalf of the transitional government, and was forwarded to Addis Ababa for the signature of the Minister of Finance. The enforcement of severe austerity measures virtually foreclosed the possibility of a meaningful post-war reconstruction and the rebuilding of the country’s shattered infrastructure. The creditors demanded trade liberalization and the full-scale privatization of public utilities, financial institutions, State farms and factories. Civil servants including teachers and health workers were fired, wages were frozen and the labor laws were rescinded to enable State enterprises “to shed their surplus workers”. Meanwhile, corruption became rampant. State assets were auctioned off to foreign capital at bargain prices and Price Waterhouse Cooper was entrusted with the task of coordinating the sale of State property.

In turn, the reforms had led to the fracture of the federal fiscal system. Budget transfers to the State governments were slashed leaving the regions to their own devices. Supported by several donors, “regionalization” was heralded as a “devolution of powers from the federal to the regional governments”. The Bretton Woods institutions knew exactly what they were doing. In the words of the IMF, “[the regions] capacity to deliver effective and efficient development interventions varies widely, as does their capacity for revenue collection”. 6

Wrecking the Peasant Economy

Patterned on the reforms adopted in Kenya in 1991 (see Box 9.1 ), agricultural markets were wilfully manipulated on behalf of the agribusiness conglomerates. The World Bank demanded the rapid removal of price controls and all subsidies to farmers. Transportation and freight prices were deregulated serving to boost food prices in remote areas affected by drought. In turn, the markets for farm inputs including fertiliser and seeds were handed over to private traders including Pioneer Hi-Bred International which entered into a lucrative partnership with Ethiopia Seed Enterprise (ESE), the government’s seed monopoly.7

At the outset of the reforms in 1992, USAID under its Title III program “donated” large quantities of US fertilizer “in exchange for free market reforms”:

[V]arious agricultural commodities [will be provided] in exchange for reforms of grain marketing… and [the] elimination of food subsidies…The reform agenda focuses on liberalization and privatization in the fertilizer and transport sectors in return for financing fertilizer and truck imports…. These program initiatives have given us [an] “entrée” …in defining major [policy] issues… 8

While the stocks of donated US fertiliser were rapidly exhausted; the imported chemicals contributed to displacing local fertiliser producers. The same companies involved in the fertiliser import business were also in control of the domestic wholesale distribution of fertiliser using local level merchants as intermediaries.

Increased output was recorded in commercial farms and in irrigated areas (where fertilizer and high yielding seeds had been applied). The overall tendency, however, was towards greater economic and social polarisation in the countryside, marked by significantly lower yields in less productive marginal lands occupied by the poor peasantry. Even in areas where output had increased, farmers were caught in the clutch of the seed and fertilizer merchants.

In 1997, the Atlanta based Carter Center – which was actively promoting the use of biotechnology tools in maize breeding – proudly announced that “Ethiopia [had] become a food exporter for the first time”.9 Yet in a cruel irony, the donors ordered the dismantling of the emergency grain reserves (set up in the wake of the 1984-85 famine) and the authorities acquiesced.

Instead of replenishing the country’s emergency food stocks, grain was exported to meet Ethiopia’s debt servicing obligations. Close to one million tons of the 1996 harvest was exported, an amount which would have been amply sufficient (according to FAO figures) to meet the 1999-2000 emergency. In fact the same food staple which had been exported (namely maize) was re-imported barely a few months later. The world market had confiscated Ethiopia’s grain reserves.

In return, US surpluses of genetically engineered maize (banned by the European Union) were being dumped on the horn of Africa in the form of emergency aid. The US had found a convenient mechanism for “laundering its stocks of dirty grain”. The agribusiness conglomerates not only cornered Ethiopia’s commodity exports, they were also involved in the procurement of emergency shipments of grain back into Ethiopia. During the 1998-2000 famine, lucrative maize contracts were awarded to giant grain merchants such as Archer Daniels Midland (ADM) and Cargill Inc. 10

Laundering America’s GM Grain Surpluses

US grain surpluses peddled in war-torn countries also served to weaken the agricultural system. Some 500,000 tons of maize and maize products were “donated” in 1999-2000 by USAID to relief agencies including the World Food Programme (WFP) which in turn collaborates closely with the US Department of Agriculture. At least 30% of these shipments (procured under contract with US agribusiness firms) were surplus genetically modified grain stocks. 11

Boosted by the border war with Eritrea and the plight of thousands of refugees, the influx of contaminated food aid had contributed to the pollution of Ethiopia’s genetic pool of indigenous seeds and landraces. In a cruel irony, the food giants were at the same time gaining control – through the procurement of contaminated food aid – over Ethiopia’s seed banks. According to South Africa’s Biowatch: “Africa is treated as the dustbin of the world…To donate untested food and seed to Africa is not an act of kindness but an attempt to lure Africa into further dependence on foreign aid.” 12

Moreover, part of the “food aid” had been channelled under the “food for work” program which served to further discourage domestic production in favour of grain imports. Under this scheme, impoverished and landless farmers were contracted to work on rural infrastructural programmes in exchange for “donated” US corn.

Meanwhile, the cash earnings of coffee smallholders plummeted. Whereas Pioneer Hi-Bred positioned itself in seed distribution and marketing, Cargill Inc established itself in the markets for grain and coffee through its subsidiary Ethiopian Commodities.12 For the more than 700,000 smallholders with less than 2 hectares that produce between 90 and 95% of the country’s coffee output, the deregulation of agricultural credit combined with low farmgate prices of coffee had triggered increased indebtedness and landlessness, particularly in East Gojam (Ethiopia’s breadbasket).

Biodiversity up for Sale

The country’s extensive reserves of traditional seed varieties (barley, teff, chick peas, sorghum, etc) were being appropriated, genetically manipulated and patented by the agribusiness conglomerates: “Instead of compensation and respect, Ethiopians today are …getting bills from foreign companies that have “patented” native species and now demand payment for their use.”13 The foundations of a “competitive seed industry” were laid under IMF and World Bank auspices.14 The Ethiopian Seed Enterprise (ESE), the government’s seed monopoly joined hands with Pioneer Hi-Bred in the distribution of hi-bred and genetically modified (GM) seeds (together with hybrid resistant herbicide) to smallholders. In turn, the marketing of seeds had been transferred to a network of private contractors and “seed enterprises” with financial support and technical assistance from the World Bank. The “informal” farmer-to-farmer seed exchange was slated to be converted under the World Bank programme into a “formal” market oriented system of “private seed producer-sellers.” 15

In turn, the Ethiopian Agricultural Research Institute (EARI) was collaborating with the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT) in the development of new hybrids between Mexican and Ethiopian maize varieties.16 Initially established in the 1940s by Pioneer Hi-Bred International with support from the Ford and Rockefeller foundations, CIMMYT developed a cosy relationship with US agribusiness. Together with the UK based Norman Borlaug Institute, CIMMYT constitutes a research arm as well as a mouthpiece of the seed conglomerates. According to the Rural Advancement Foundation (RAFI) “US farmers already earn $150 million annually by growing varieties of barley developed from Ethiopian strains. Yet nobody in Ethiopia is sending them a bill.” 17

Impacts of Famine

The 1984-85 famine had seriously threatened Ethiopia’s reserves of landraces of traditional seeds. In response to the famine, the Dergue government through its Plant Genetic Resource Centre –in collaboration with Seeds of Survival (SoS)– had implemented a programme to preserve Ethiopia’s biodiversity.18 This programme – which was continued under the transitional government – skilfully “linked on-farm conservation and crop improvement by rural communities with government support services”. 19 An extensive network of in-farm sites and conservation plots was established involving some 30,000 farmers. In 1998, coinciding chronologically with the onslaught of the 1998-2000 famine, the government clamped down on seeds of Survival (SoS) and ordered the programme to be closed down. 20

The hidden agenda was to eventually displace the traditional varieties and landraces reproduced in village-level nurseries. The latter were supplying more than 90 percent of the peasantry through a system of farmer-to-farmer exchange. Without fail, the 1998-2000 famine led to a further depletion of local level seed banks: “The reserves of grains [the farmer] normally stores to see him through difficult times are empty. Like 30,000 other households in the [Galga] area, his family have also eaten their stocks of seeds for the next harvest.”21 And a similar process was unfolding in the production of coffee where the genetic base of the arabica beans was threatened as a result of the collapse of farmgate prices and the impoverishment of small-holders.

In other words, the famine – itself in large part a product of the economic reforms imposed to the advantage of large corporations by the IMF, World Bank and the US Government – served to undermine Ethiopia’s genetic diversity to the benefit of the biotech companies. With the weakening of the system of traditional exchange, village level seed banks were being replenished with commercial hi-bred and genetically modified seeds. In turn, the distribution of seeds to impoverished farmers had been integrated with the “food aid” programmes. WPF and USAID relief packages often include “donations” of seeds and fertiliser, thereby favouring the inroad of the agribusiness-biotech companies into Ethiopia’s agricultural heartland. The emergency programs are not the “solution” but the “cause” of famine. By deliberately creating a dependency on GM seeds, they had set the stage for the outbreak of future famines.

This destructive pattern – invariably resulting in famine – is replicated throughout Sub-Saharan Africa. From the onslaught of the debt crisis of the early 1980s, the IMF-World Bank had set the stage for the demise of the peasant economy across the region with devastating results. Now, in Ethiopia, fifteen years after the last famine left nearly one million dead, hunger is once again stalking the land. This time, as eight million people face the risk of starvation, we know that it isn’t just the weather that is to blame.


      1. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Special Report: FAO/WFP Crop Assessment Mission to Ethiopia, Rome, January 2000.
      2. Ibid
      3. Ibid
      4. Ibid
      5. Philip Sherwell and Paul Harris, “Guns before Grain as Ethiopia Starves, Sunday Telegraph, London, April 16, 2000.
      6. IMF, Ethiopia, Recent Economic Developments, Washington, 1999.
      7. Pioneer Hi-Bred International, General GMO Facts,
      8. United States agency for International Development (USAID), “Mission to Ethiopia, Concept Paper: Back to The Future”, Washington, June 1993
      9. Carter Center, Press release, Atlanta, Georgia, January 31, 1997.
      10. Declan Walsh, America Find Ready Market for GM Food, The Independent, London, March 30, 2000, p. 18).
      11. Ibid.
      12. Maja Wallegreen, “The World’s Oldest Coffee Industry In Transition”, Tea & Coffee Trade Journal, November 1, 1999.
      13. Laeke Mariam Demissie, A vast historical contribution counts for little; West reaps Ethiopia’s genetic harvest, World Times, October, 1998).
      14. World Bank, Ethiopia-Seed Systems Development Project, Project ID ETPA752, 6 June 1995.
      15. Ibid
      16. See CIMMYT Research Plan and Budget 2000-2002
      17. Laeke Mariam Demissie, op. cit
      18. “When local farmers know best”, The Economist, 16 May 1998)
      19. Ibid
      20. Laeke Mariam Demissie, op. cit.
      21. Rageh Omaar, “Hunger stalks Ethiopia’s dry land”, BBC, London, 6 January, 2000.
      22. An earlier version of this article was published in The Ecologist, September 2000.

The famine – itself in large part a product of the economic reforms imposed to the advantage of large corporations by the IMF, World Bank and the US Government – served to undermine Ethiopia’s genetic diversity to the benefit of the biotech companies. With the weakening of the system of traditional exchange, village level seed banks were being replenished with commercial hi-bred and genetically modified seeds.

The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order 

by Michel Chossudovsky

originalIn this new and expanded edition of Chossudovsky’s international best-seller, the author outlines the contours of a New World Order which feeds on human poverty and the destruction of the environment, generates social apartheid, encourages racism and ethnic strife and undermines the rights of women. The result as his detailed examples from all parts of the world show so convincingly, is a globalization of poverty.

This book is a skilful combination of lucid explanation and cogently argued critique of the fundamental directions in which our world is moving financially and economically.

In this new enlarged edition –which includes ten new chapters and a new introduction– the author reviews the causes and consequences of famine in Sub-Saharan Africa, the dramatic meltdown of financial markets, the demise of State social programs and the devastation resulting from corporate downsizing and trade liberalisation.

Michel Chossudovsky is Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and Director of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG), which hosts the critically acclaimed . He is a contributor to the Encyclopedia Britannica. His writings have been translated into more than 20 languages.

Published in 14 languages. More than 150,000 copies sold Worldwide.

The Globalization of Poverty in its First and Second editions has been published in 14 languages. Twelve English language editions and co-editions in the US, UK, Canada (2 editions), Australia, Malaysia (2 editions), South Africa, India (2 editions), Philippines (2 editions)), French (2 editions), German, Spanish, Portuguese (two editions, Brazil and Portugal), Finnish, Turkish, Japanese, Korean, Italian (2 editions), Arabic, Croatian, Serbian, Greek.

Click here to order The Globalization of Poverty

May 23, 2014

Sudan’s FM accuses Egypt’s spy agency of aiding Cairo-based rebels

Filed under: Sudan — ethiopiantimes @ 4:19 pm
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Sudan’s FM accuses Egypt’s spy agency of aiding Cairo-based rebels

The Sudanese foreign minister Ali Karti accused the Egyptian General Intelligence Directorate (GID) of sponsoring anti-Khartoum rebels who are residing in Cairo despite repeated complaints by his government.

“[Egypt] does not remember hundreds of opposition [members] who belong to armed groups bearing arms [against the government] and have safe premises sponsored by security and intelligence service and sponsored by the state and have full rights to hold seminars and adopt political positions,” Karti told al-Sudani newspaper in an interview.

“We urged them [Cairo] dozens of times and they asked us for names [of rebel figures]. We wrote [provided to them] hundreds of names and repeated it dozens of times and [ambassador] Kamal Hassan Ali knows this file completely. They even demanded from us their sites [where opposition members are staying] and we identified these villas and apartments in which they reside. We are fully aware of who in the [Egyptian] intelligence agencies dealing with them” he added.

The Sudanese top diplomat emphasised that they will not reciprocate and denied hosting any Egyptian opposition figures from the Muslim Brotherhood.

“Sudan has always been respectful of the political situation in Egypt, and we declared over and over that we will not be a launch pad for any damages towards Egypt and in fact Sudan is free of any of the symbols of the Egyptian opposition” he said.


Karti suggested that Cairo is retaliating for Khartoum’s supportive position of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam.

“There are pressures on us. The Egyptian interior minister says they are facing a security threat from the south. Which south is he referring to?” he said.

Cairo was irked by Khartoum’s support of Ethiopia’s plan to build the Renaissance dam which Egypt argues will impact its Nile water share needed for its population of 90 million.

Furthermore, Sudan’s Islamist government has appeared uncomfortable with the recent developments in Egypt given the common ideology they shared with Egypt’s ex-president Mohamed Morsi and the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) which brought him to power.

Karti also acknowledged tensions with Arab Gulf states of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) over relations with Iran and presumption that Sudan backs the International Organization of the Muslim Brotherhood.

“We said that we have nothing to do with the International Organization of the Muslim Brotherhood, and they were unable to bring Sudan to their side. Sudan was the last state that Morsi has visited,” he said.

He criticised local media and even the Sudanese army for overstating the issue of docking of Iranian warships in Port Sudan which appeared to concern these countries.

Karti also denied that Sudan is an issue of dispute between Qatar and its neighbors.

A diplomatic fallout occurred between Qatar and other Gulf states, including UAE, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain after they accused Doha of failing to abide by an accord not to interfere in each others’ internal affairs.

The three Gulf states are believed to be angry at Qatar’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist movement whose ideology challenges the principle of conservative dynastic rule long dominant in the Gulf.

A source close to Qatar’s government told Reuters last March that the dispute had more to do with issues in the wider Middle East such as the crises in Egypt and Syria, than about matters affecting fellow Gulf states.

Qatar is one of the main political and economic backers of Sudan’s Islamist government and has hosted Darfur peace talks which resulted in a peace accord signed in 2011 known as the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD) between Khartoum and Liberation and Justice Movement (LJM) headed by Tijani el-Sissi.

Source Sudan Tribune


May 22, 2014

Ethiopia: New Study Reveals Ethiopian Customs & Revenue Authority Most Corrupt

Filed under: Uncategorized — ethiopiantimes @ 8:45 pm
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A new survey conducted by Selam Development Consultants, assisted by JGAM Donors in collaboration with the Federal Ethics and Anti Corruption Commission, revealed Ethiopia’s Customs and Revenue Authority as the most corrupt government office followed by the construction permit and land administration offices.

Entitled “Perception of the Level of Corruption by Foreign Investors in Ethiopia”, the study, which also aimed at identifying public sector institutions that are more prone to corruption according to foreign investors operating in Ethiopia, states corruption in Ethiopia has generally decreased.

However, according to the survey, in institutions dealing with customs, import & export, foreign currency, taxes and tax collection, land acquisition for business purposes and other public utilities such as electricity and telecom corruption has shown an increase. “Even if there were no documented and study based focus areas so far in the commission, the findings of the survey are not new,” Ali Suleman, Commissioner of the Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission told Addis Standard. “Customs and Revenue, and public financial institutions have been the focus areas of the commission and will continue to be,” he added.

The survey stated that government contracts still need to be further improved as some respondents perceived that at least half of the government contracts involve unofficial payment averaging 24% of the value of contracts.

“This implies that the government still needs to work on the reform processes and reviewing the salary of civil servants,” says the survey.

The survey result also showed that lack of evidence, actions against those who commit corruption and clarity about corruption proceedings as the three top reasons why people would not report corruption to the relevant authorities.

More than 400 foreign investors, who are currently investing in Ethiopia, were included in the survey.

May 21, 2014

Semayawi Party on the Killing of University Students in Ethiopia May 2014

Filed under: Semayawi party — ethiopiantimes @ 2:40 pm
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